{"id":4363,"date":"2026-02-19T20:39:28","date_gmt":"2026-02-19T20:39:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/centennialcenter\/?page_id=4363"},"modified":"2026-04-14T18:03:52","modified_gmt":"2026-04-14T18:03:52","slug":"2025-summer-centennial-center-research-grant-winners","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/centennialcenter\/summer-centennial-center-research-grants\/previous-summer-centennial-center-research-funds-recipients\/2025-summer-centennial-center-research-grant-winners\/","title":{"rendered":"2025 Summer Centennial Center Research Grant Winners"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

2025 Summer Centennial Center Research Grant Winners<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Each year, the Centennial Center offers over $100,000 in research grants to APSA members through its Spring and Summer application deadlines. Summer Centennial Center Research Grants<\/a> <\/strong>remains the largest program for supporting research conducted by APSA members.<\/p>\n

Grants are supported by a set of endowed funds, some of which target their support to specific research topics including gender, race, and politics, electoral politics, Asian politics, international politics, democracy and self-governing systems, legislative politics, and more. The largest of these endowed funds is open to support research in any area of the political science discipline.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Defenders of Autocracy, Attackers of Democracy: How Authoritarian Political Parties Organize and Gain Support<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Fabio Angiolillo<\/strong><\/strong> – Gothenburg University <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

What is the effect of authoritarian parties\u2019 local organizations on sub-national governance? By 2024, almost 50 countries are experiencing democratic decline simultaneously, the highest rate ever recorded, and 72% of the world population lives under authoritarian rule. Although political parties have long been regarded as essential pillars of regime stability, the current wave of democratic decline and authoritarian stability is largely driven by political parties as well. Amid this global rise of authoritarianism, authoritarian political parties are key actors present across regimes, yet researchers tend to focus on either authoritarian parties in autocracies or anti-democratic parties in democracies. While the institutional settings these political parties are embedded in is extremely different, they share a common thread in fostering authoritarian ideals over democratic ones. Hence, it is necessary to focus on their presence and strategies in both regimes together to systematically understand how authoritarian rule is maintained and democracy weakened.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Authoritarian parties increasingly sprout within local institutions, yet we know little about local level dynamics, and we lack appropriate theories, data, and analysis on authoritarian parties\u2019 local organizations to determine the effects they have on sub-national governance. For these reasons, I develop two complimentary and integrate steps. First, I\u202fplan to map political party offices across 69 countries \u2013estimated to be over 150,000 data points\u2013 to open up for the first time ever the opportunity to systematically unpack questions on sub-national governance. Second, I plan to study subnational outcomes driven by authoritarian parties\u2019 presence such as electoral outcomes within democratic regimes and the relationship between authoritarian parties\u2019 presence and instances of political violence across autocracies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By integrating large-scale global datasets with fine-grained sub-national data, this research will provide novel insights into the organizational strategies of authoritarian parties and their influence on political stability and democratic resilience. The findings will have significant implications for policymakers, democracy advocates, and international organizations seeking to counteract democratic backsliding. Understanding how authoritarian parties operate is crucial to devising effective strategies for strengthening democratic norms and preventing the entrenchment of authoritarian governance.<\/p>\n

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Exiled but Engaged? Civic and Political Activism Among Russian Migrants Post-Ukraine Invasion<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Gaukhar Baltabayeva<\/strong><\/strong> – Arizona State University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The research project examines how Russians who left their country after the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine are navigating migration and political engagement abroad. Often described as the \u201canti-war Russian diaspora,\u201d many have relocated to multiple countries, where their arrival has generated debates about identity, security, and integration. I focus on why some of these migrants become civically or politically active in the context of exile, for example, by joining protests, offering humanitarian support, or building new community organizations, while others disengage from activism altogether. Drawing on interviews, fieldwork observations, and an online survey of migrants, I examine how prior experiences, emotional responses, legal status, and economic security shape these choices. My findings suggest that activism in exile is shaped not only by opposition to the war but also by the practical challenges of adapting to new environments. More broadly, my research sheds light on how migration transforms political participation and how displaced groups negotiate their ties to both host societies and their homeland.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Beyond Violence: The Struggle for Accountability in Post-Repression Mexico<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Erika Arias<\/strong><\/strong> – Syracuse University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This dissertation explores the long-term impacts of state repression on political trust and accountability in Mexico. It analyzes how actions by the state to address past human rights violations affect social justice groups perception of political institutions, particularly in comparison with other Latin American countries that experienced a Guerra Sucia or similar authoritarian period. By examining Mexico\u2019s delayed establishment of its Truth Commission and its implications for justice, this research analyzes the correlation between the timing of accountability measures and social justice group response. Using comparative analysis, process tracing, and interviews, this dissertation aims to understand the impact of state accountability measures in post-conflict societies and the broader role of delayed justice on political legitimacy and the perception of social movements.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Bullets, Bribes & Ballots: Illicit Tactics in Nigeria’s Hybrid Democracy<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Ameze Belo-Osagie<\/strong><\/strong> – Stanford University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Nigeria reports high levels of electoral malpractice and has built a specialized adjudication system to resolve election challenges. While election petitions have increased across the democratic era, success rates have fallen to roughly 4 percent. This divergence\u2014persistent allegations and sustained legal mobilization alongside few courtroom wins\u2014frames the core question. Lawyers blame the complexity and hyper-technicality of election litigation; political scientists often argue that challengers pursue goals other than victory. I test three alternative explanations using an original dataset of about 6,000 election-petition judgments (1999\u20132023), linked to interviews with judges, election lawyers, and election officials.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, reforms displaced misconduct. Biometric checks and result-management tools curtailed post-voting ballot manipulation, shifting parties\u2019 strategies toward vote-buying and pre-election violence. These criminal practices leave thin documentary trails and trigger high burdens of proof, depressing success in court.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Second, institutional design matters. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is a respondent in all petitions. In that defensive posture, it can resist disclosure, raise technical and evidentiary objections, and align with declared winners\u2014driving threshold dismissals even for evidence-rich claims.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Third, judicial role conception matters. Socialized during the transition from military rule, tribunal judges prioritize regime stability over deeper democratic contestation. Where doctrine permits discretion, they tend to preserve declared outcomes rather than overturn results.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Taken together, the project explains the current equilibrium and identifies leverage points for reform in evidentiary access, respondent roles, and legal standards governing violence and vote-buying.<\/p>\n

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The Origins of Collective Resistance: Recognition, Identity, and Community in Latin America\u2019s Armed Conflicts<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Sof\u00eda Berrospi<\/strong><\/strong> – Vanderbilt University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Why are some communities able to resist armed actors during periods of violent conflict while others do not? My dissertation explores this question in the context of Indigenous communities in Latin America. Despite the significant victimization of Indigenous peoples during armed conflicts, with a few exceptions, political science has overlooked these marginalized groups in the study of collective resistance and civil war. This omission risks producing theories that are less aligned with Indigenous historical experiences and obscures how current theories apply to these groups. Drawing from a diverse literature, including Indigenous and identity politics, state-building, and conflict studies, I develop an argument that examines how different types of historical recognition policies by the state influence Indigenous communities\u2019 internal organization, their relationships with other communities, and their relationships with the state, and how these mechanisms, in turn, shape the capacity to resist and decision-making during conflict. I employ a mixed-methods approach, leveraging observational data, archival records, and in-depth semi-structured interviews to test my argument. All in all, this project seeks to elevate the role of Indigenous communities in conflict, contributing to the literatures on Indigenous politics, armed conflict, and contentious politics.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

The Case for Casework<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Megan Blackwood<\/strong><\/strong> – University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

When we picture what elected officials do, we often think of speeches, floor votes, or bill introductions. But there\u2019s another side of good representation that happens every day, far from the cameras or the public eye, Congressional Casework. Through casework members of Congress and their staff step in to help people navigate the federal government. Whether it\u2019s fixing a delayed Social Security check, resolving a Medicare denial, or cutting through red tape with a federal agency, casework is personal, nonpartisan, and it shapes how people experience their government. This project draws on interviews with current U.S. House caseworkers to update what we know about this overlooked but essential work. The findings will not only refresh longstanding theories about how members serve constituents but also show how new tools for tracking and aggregating casework are beginning to inform broader oversight and outreach. In short, casework is more than constituent service, it\u2019s a vital link in how democracy functions every day.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Mapping and Monitoring Tribal Consultation Across Federal Agencies<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Elise Blasingame<\/strong><\/strong> – Oxford College at Emory University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Students working on this project will gain hands-on experience in U.S. policy making while helping strengthen communication and respect between Tribal Nations and the U.S. government. Dr. Blasingame leads the \ud801\udcbb\ud801\udcbc\ud801\udcc2 Lab at Oxford College of Emory University (\ud801\udcbb\ud801\udcbc\ud801\udcc2 is Osage for grandmother). Her research team is building the first-ever public record of all Tribal Consultations with the federal government since 2000, using federal archives and websites. These consultations are meant to give Tribes a voice before federal agencies make decisions that affect their lands, people, or resources. Right now, information about these meetings is scattered across dozens of government websites, making it hard for Tribal leaders to participate. By organizing this history, the project aims to make the consultation process more transparent, fair, and accountable. This research also supports the creation of Corral, a free online tool designed to help Tribal Nations easily find and track consultation opportunities across the federal government. More at www.consultationcorral.org.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Local Inclusion, Lasting Impact: Immigrant Integration Policies and Political Participation in U.S. Cities<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Samantha Chapa<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Notre Dame<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This project examines how local policies\u2014such as municipal IDs, immigrant affairs offices, sanctuary ordinances\u2014foster political participation among immigrants. While adoption of these policies has increased, their long-term effects remain understudied. I argue these policies work together to increase political engagement by fostering inclusion and providing immigrants with financial and symbolic resources that build trust in local institutions, such as city council and city-wide agencies, and encourage participation. These policies also generate political participation by reshaping the incentives of immigrant-serving organizations, NGOs, and ethnic associations, which often more comfortable in expanding their outreach efforts in response. In prior work that uses data on political participation and original data on local policies among the 100 largest U.S. cities, I find that inclusive environments are associated with higher voter turnout among naturalized citizens. I will extend this work by conducting exploratory fieldwork in Chicago to complement my existing quantitative analysis. In conducting qualitative field work, I hope to better understand the link between policy and immigrants, while exploring how policy variation\u2014such as sanctuary, municipal IDs, versus immigrant affairs offices\u2014interact with diverse forms of immigration status and racial\/ethnic identity. I will also explore how different forms of political participation, such as protest, grassroots organizing, and political donations might emerge due to these inclusive environments.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Revisiting the War on Crime: Federal Dependence and Local Punitive Spending Under Fiscal Duress<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Darius Cozart<\/strong><\/strong> – Princeton University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In the late 1960s, the federal government began sending large sums of money to cities to help fight crime through a program called the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, or LEAA. The idea was to modernize police departments and make communities safer. But these investments also changed how local governments spent their money and thought about public safety. My project looks at what happened to city budgets after this program ended\u2014especially during the deep economic downturn known as the 1980 Volcker recession, when many cities faced huge financial strain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Using newly assembled data on thousands of cities from 1968 to 1985, I compare places that received LEAA funding with those that did not. I find that cities that had come to rely heavily on federal aid were more likely to keep or even increase their spending on policing and jails during the recession, while others were forced to cut back. I also find that cities with smaller Black populations began spending more on policing, narrowing the earlier racial gap in punitive spending.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Together, these findings show that federal aid programs can leave long shadows: even temporary grants can change how cities balance public safety and social needs for decades. Understanding this history helps explain why so many local governments today still devote large shares of their budgets to policing\u2014and why breaking that pattern has proven so difficult.<\/p>\n

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Replication and Extension of Supreme Court Shadow Docket Research<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Taraleigh Davis<\/strong><\/strong> – Bradley University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The U.S. Supreme Court increasingly makes important decisions through its emergency docket, issuing emergency orders quickly without the usual detailed briefs or oral argument. My research investigates whether these shortened procedures affect how much Americans trust and support the Court.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In my recently published study, I found that when people learn about Supreme Court decisions made through these expedited emergency procedures rather than the normal process, they lose confidence in those specific rulings\u2014even when they agree with the outcome. However, their overall, long-term support for the Court as an institution remained stable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This new project will test whether these findings hold up by studying Americans at different times and using real emergency docket cases instead of hypothetical scenarios. I’ll examine whether the effect is stronger when the Court uses emergency procedures for highly controversial political issues like civil rights or executive power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Understanding how procedural shortcuts affect public trust matters because legitimacy, the public’s belief that the Court has the right to make binding decisions, is essential for democracy. Unlike Congress or the President, the Supreme Court has no army or budget power; it relies on public acceptance of its authority. If the Court’s procedural choices consistently erode public confidence, it raises important questions about the institution’s effectiveness and our system of checks and balances.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Regimes of Discontent: Gender Politics of Claim-Making in the Tunisian Countryside<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Dhouha Djerbi<\/strong><\/strong> – Geneva Graduate Institute<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This dissertation project examines how gender regimes shape claim-making in rural Tunisia, where conflicts over land and natural resources and protests against environmental degradation have intensified in the wake of the 2010 uprising. It focuses on two subnational sites: Gabes in Southeast Tunisia and Sidi Bouzid in Central Tunisia. Both are marked by persistent contention but differentiated by land tenure regimes, agricultural production systems, state penetration, and the presence of extractive industries. Drawing on eight months (to date) of intermittent fieldwork and an assemblage of site-intensive methods (participant observation, interviews, and archival research across three national repositories) the project traces how historically contingent and locally specific configurations of gender inequality, spanning public service provision, labor relations, access to productive resources, and political participation, shape the conditions under which rural women in politically volatile agrarian settings engage in claim-making directed at the state, as well as the forms and substance of these claims. The project develops a structural account of how gendered constraints can simultaneously restrict conventional political participation while enabling alternative modes of engagement with and beyond the state. It advances debates at the intersection of feminist political economy, contentious politics, and critical agrarian studies.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Zoning Out Democracy: Autocratic Survival through Global Commercial Enclaves<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Zoe Ge<\/strong><\/strong> – IE University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Why are governments across emerging markets and developing economies increasingly adopting place-based industrial policies like special economic zones (SEZs)? We argue that SEZs provide a credible commitment to efficient commercial governance, especially in autocracies where market-supporting institutions are lacking. By assembling an original panel dataset covering the establishment and governance of over 400 SEZs across Africa, we show that autocracies tend to have more SEZs than democracies. We also find that zones improve the sovereign creditworthiness in autocracies more than in democracies, confirming the credibility-boosting effect of zones. To examine the mechanism of delegation of zone governance, we use SEZ laws as a lens to the institutional design of zone governance and investigate whether autocracies have a greater likelihood of delegation to private entities and a greater degree of regulatory exceptions in zones. Finally, we assess the domestic political incentives of adopting SEZs as a form of industrial policy through a case study of Uganda, an electoral autocracy that has invested heavily in expanding international trade and investment through free zones. We find that electoral support for the Ugandan incumbent president increases in communities near recently established zones relative to communities near soon-to-be established zones. Our paper reveals how domestic institutions shape the design of industrial policies.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Queer Protests: Rethinking Political Violence, Subjectivity and Exile in Syria and Lebanon (2011-2022)<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Razan Ghazzawi<\/strong><\/strong> – Oregon State University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

My research explores how queer and transgender people in Syria and Lebanon protest war, dictatorship, and displacement in subtle ways that often fall outside the heteronormative imagination of violence and social demands. While Western media and humanitarian groups often frame LGBTQ Syrians as a victimized community in need of rescue, my book Queer Protests challenges this narrative by emphasizing rethinking the sexuality politics of violence and protest. Drawing on eight months of ethnographic and autoethnographic fieldwork, as well as my own experience as a queer scholar and former prisoner from Syria, I examine how sex workers\u2019 prison strikes, trans women fleeing forced conscription, and queer performances at military checkpoints complicate heteronormative understandings of political violence and protest. Instead of focusing on large-scale revolutions or visible demonstrations, I highlight what I call \u201cnonbinary protests\u201d – forms of dissidence that develop outside both regime and revolutionary frameworks. This project rethinks how we understand political violence, migration, and queer and trans agency in the context of the Syrian revolution and its aftermath.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

What About Straight Pride? The Politics of Straightness and Threat Perception<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Edward Greer<\/strong><\/strong> – Washington State University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In recent years, there has been a growing number of contestations against LGB rights in the United States. There are numerous indicators for this including a stagnant or declining level of support for same-sex marriage, record numbers of anti-LGB legislation in state legislatures, and increases in anti-LGB violence. Much scholarship in this realm examines the role of identity in these contestations \u2013 namely, religion. However, only a subset of anti-LGB policies mention religion or religious freedom. Furthermore, many of those against the expansion of LGB rights cite reasons other than religion, such as protecting children. This dissertation develops the concept of political straightness, referring to heterosexuality as an identity that is consciously articulated in response to perceived threats from sexual minorities. Through a mixed-methods design combining interview and survey data, this project assesses whether a subsection of the heterosexual population sees their sexual orientation as politically relevant and examines the relationship between that political relevance with emotional responses, threat perception, and variation in policy support. Set against the broader backdrop of contestations against LGBTQIA+ rights, this project contributes to contemporary debates on social identity theory, intergroup threat theory, and LGBTQIA+ politics.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Leadership Succession and Authoritarian Durability: a Comparison of the People\u2019s Republic of China and the Former Soviet Union<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Erika Qing Guan<\/strong><\/strong> – Northwestern University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Erika’s research addresses political change and institutions, democratization and authoritarianism in the developing world with a focus on the communist and former communist regimes. Her PhD dissertation examines the relationship between autocratic leadership succession and regime durability through a comparative historical study of the People\u2019s Republic of China and the former Soviet Union. Grounded in the theoretical framework of revolutionary regimes, the project offers a comprehensive analysis of top power transitions throughout the lifespans of both regimes. The distinction between the revolutionary and non-revolutionary generations of leaders is central to the study. It finds that institutionalized succession is crucial to authoritarian durability in the post-revolutionary phases of these aging revolutionary regimes, as they transition away from the predominance of founding revolutionary elites toward more \u201cmature\u201d and modern polities.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Shifting Tides of Religious Party Politics: An Inside-out Look at Islamist Party Performance<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Yasmine Haiti<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Illinois at Chicago<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Why do some Islamist parties win elections, while others lose ground after initial success? This dissertation project investigates how the internal organization of these parties, rather than just their ideology or relationship with the regime, shapes their electoral fortunes. By comparing Morocco\u2019s Party of Justice and Development (PJD) and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), the study asks how leadership cohesion, decision-making structures, and ties to grassroots movements influence electoral performance. Drawing on interviews, participant observation, and archival research, it finds that Islamist parties tend to perform best when their leaders remain united, their affiliated movements actively support them, and their internal decision-making is centralized rather than overly democratic. Preliminary findings from Morocco indicate that leadership divisions, weakened movement ties, and rigid internal procedures contributed to the decline of the PJD. In contrast, early research in Malaysia suggests that stronger leadership cohesion and sustained links with the party\u2019s social movement have helped PAS consolidate its position. By examining the inner workings of the party, this project rethinks how political organization, rather than just ideology, influences who wins and loses elections.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

How Does Ongoing Conflict Affect Foreign Direct Investment? Study of Russian War Against Ukraine (2022 \u2013 2025)<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Larysa Haivoronska<\/strong><\/strong> – Temple University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This research explores why foreign companies continue or even increase their investments in countries facing military conflict, which goes against traditional predictions that foreign investments flee in times of war. Using the Russian invasion of Ukraine (2022) as a case study, my dissertation examines why many foreign companies not only stayed in Ukraine but increased their investments\u2014foreign direct investment (FDI) surged from $221 million in 2022 to $4.57 billion in 2023, with over 2,600 new foreign businesses entering the country during active conflict.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To explain this, the study creates a framework that looks at five different factors influencing investment decisions: geopolitical conditions (military aid), national factors (such as government stability), regional proximity, the type of industry, and company-level strategies. By combining interviews with foreign business leaders, surveys from the Chambers of Commerce, and statistical analysis of investment data, the research tests how these factors interact and affect decisions during conflict.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The findings offer new insights into how global companies adapt to crises and how policymakers can maintain economic stability in war zones. This research also provides lessons for understanding how businesses might respond to future conflicts in other regions of the world.<\/p>\n

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Blaming the outsider: How foreign interference claims weaken support for protest<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Muyao Hang<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Pittsburgh<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Do authoritarian regimes erode public support for dissent by framing protesters as foreign agents and under what conditions is this strategy most effective? While prior research shows that regimes can legitimize repression by portraying protesters as violent or immoral, this paper examines a distinct yet underexplored tactic: discrediting dissent through narratives of foreign interference. I argue that framing protesters as agents of hostile foreign powers activates nationalist sentiment, delegitimizes protest, and increases public support for repression. Using a pre-registered survey experiment conducted among the Chinese public, I plan to test whether exposure to foreign interference narratives lowers support for protests against national policies, increases support for state repression, and reduces willingness to protest. I also test whether these effects are amplified when protesters make direct challenges to the regime, revealing a strategic dilemma: the more fundamental and threatening the demands, the more vulnerable protesters become to discrediting efforts. Subgroup analyses will also be conducted to analyze whether these effects are strongest among individuals high in nationalism, since these populations might be particularly receptive to anti-foreign propaganda. This research aims to highlight how anti-foreign propaganda shapes public opinion and show how nationalism indirectly bolsters authoritarian durability.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Polish Identities and Interests in Late Imperial Austrian Electoral Politics<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Philip Howe<\/strong><\/strong> – Adrian College<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This project involves locating, digitizing, and coding the manifestos of the Polish parties that ran in elections to the Imperial Austrian Reichsrat. The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy is well known as a multi-national empire that was dismantled after defeat in WWI. Less well known is that, starting in the 1890s, the Austrian half of the Monarchy began to hold elections to its central legislature using universal manhood suffrage. For many of the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe, this was their first experience with mass elections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This project builds on the previous work of the Habsburg Manifesto Project, a collaborative effort initiated by Dr. Howe with Dr. Christina Zuber (University of Konstanz) and Dr. Edina Sz\u00f6csik (University of Fribourg). Together they have compiled the Habsburg Manifesto Dataset, which includes detailed data on voting, the ethnic and occupational composition of the electorate, and the biographical details, party and organizational affiliations, and roll call voting records of every representative elected through universal manhood suffrage. They have also digitized and coded manifestos for nearly every Czech and German party that ran in these elections, allowing them to identify how party\u2019s policy offers and appeals to group identities, such as nationality, class, and religion, succeed in attracting different kinds of voters. The purpose of adding Polish manifestos is to extend this analysis to the next-largest national group in Imperial Austria, a group that was politically dominant in part of the Monarchy while simultaneously being much less industrialized than their Czech and German counterparts.<\/p>\n

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Meritocracy and Support for Taxation of Stock Market Returns and Redistributive Policies in the United States<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Pei-Hsun Hsieh<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Pennsylvania
Daniella P. Alva<\/strong> – Lehigh University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In the United States, more than 60% of Americans now own stocks. Yet income from investments such as dividends and capital gains is often taxed at lower rates than wages, even though stock-market income represents a growing share of overall income inequality. Taxing investment returns is one way to address this inequality, but public opinion on the issue remains unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This study examines how Americans think about taxing stock-market returns. First, we investigate whether perceptions of investment risk influence support for equity taxes. While some investors seek stable returns, others engage in riskier speculation\u2014these perceptions may shape views taxation. Second, we explore whether people attribute stock-market earnings to luck or to skill and effort, and how those beliefs affect their policy preferences.<\/p>\n

By uncovering how Americans see both the risks associated with equity income as well as the causes of equity income, this study helps explain why some forms of wealth are more accepted <\/span>than others and provides insight into public support for redistributive policies in an era of <\/span>growing economic inequality.<\/span><\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

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Tailoring Extremism: Strategic Framing of Religion in Jihadi Propaganda<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Isil Idrisoglu<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Pittsburgh<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This project explores how jihadi organizations strategically adjust their religious rhetoric to advance political and organizational objectives. While extremist movements are often portrayed as ideologically rigid, this study theorizes that their propaganda reflects a deliberate awareness of audience and context. It examines how these groups may vary the tone and content of their religious framing to mobilize support, attract resources, and sustain legitimacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Drawing on an original multilingual dataset of jihadi propaganda magazines, the project investigates when and why these groups emphasize doctrinal purity, sectarian identity, or humanitarian themes. It expects that religious rhetoric becomes more extreme in materials targeting local audiences and more moderate or universalist when directed toward international sympathizers and potential donors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Methodologically, the project combines large language models with supervised machine learning to identify subtle differences in framing across languages and contexts. By linking the strategic use of ideology to organizational incentives, this research aims to deepen understanding of how extremist groups communicate, adapt, and survive in complex political environments, and to demonstrate the value of computational approaches for studying ideological variation in armed conflicts<\/p>\n

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Assessment of the Sensitivity of Elite Data on Ideological Positions of Japanese Legislators<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Sho Izumisawa<\/strong><\/strong> – Rice University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

When estimating the ideological positions of politicians, researchers must decide which data sources and estimation techniques to employ. To what extent do these choices influence the estimated ideological positions or rankings of the same politicians? Although previous studies have examined this issue for American legislators, no research has been conducted in multiparty systems. Investigating this question in such a context allows us to understand how data source and method selection affect estimates of politicians who are strongly constrained by party structures and where interparty overlap is more common. In this study, I will collect four different data sources to measure the ideological positions of Japanese legislators and assess how alternative data and estimation techniques produce varying ideological positions of the same legislators. Furthermore, I examine how these methodological choices influence evaluations of congruence between Japanese legislators and voters.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Physical and Social Proximity to Terrorism: How Distance Shapes Emotional and Political Responses<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Christopher Jackson<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Colorado, Boulder<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

When a terrorist attack occurs, how does your relationship to the event influence your emotional state as well as your political attitudes and behavior? This study asks: to what extent does being physically near an attack versus knowing someone who was nearby change people\u2019s behavior? I’m examining how two different types of closeness to terrorism, geographical closeness to where an attack took place versus having a personal connection to someone nearby, evoke different feelings among Americans. I argue that physical closeness to an attack increases fear, causing them to favor increased security measures such as expanded surveillance or police patrols. By contrast, knowing someone affected will make people angry, causing them to favor harsher, punishment-oriented policies toward terrorists. To test this, I will survey 1,600 Americans with realistic and varied closeness to an attack. Knowing these patterns may allow leaders to frame messages as well as provide resources better suited to the particular worries of affected communities, whether they’re dealing with fear about their own safety or anger about harm to people they know.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Representation at the Margins: How Class Shapes Perceptions of Advocacy Organizations Among African Americans<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Ja\u2019nae Jackson<\/strong><\/strong> – Harvard University
Amber Colquhoun<\/strong> – University of Maryland<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This research examines how class based differences within the African American community shape perceptions of advocacy organizations and influence political engagement. Past studies show that advocacy groups often prioritize the concerns of more privileged members within marginalized communities. Among African Americans, this can mean focusing on issues important to higher-income individuals, while underrepresenting the needs of lower-income Black Americans. Yet little is known about how this affects how different groups feel represented.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Our study asks: when do Black Americans feel that advocacy organizations truly represent them? We hypothesize that higher-income Black Americans will feel more represented by traditional advocacy groups, while lower-income Black Americans will feel more represented when organizations address issues that connect both racial and economic injustice. Using a national survey experiment, we explore how these differences in perceived representation shape political attitudes, feelings of efficacy, and participation. Ultimately, this research highlights how unequal issue representation within advocacy organizations influences not only perceptions of representation but also the strength of democratic engagement within marginalized communities.<\/p>\n

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The Politics of Skin Tone: How Does Skin Tone Shape Political Identities and Behavior?<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Minhye Joo<\/strong><\/strong> – Pitzer College
Jieun Park<\/strong> – Concordia College<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Who are people of color? How do we draw the boundary of people of color? The term, people of color, has been widely used in media, research, and in our everyday lives as a pan-ethnic and collective identity. However, it remains unclear how we define people of color and who should be included in this category. Even less is known about how skin tone influences these boundary-making processes and shapes group solidarity. To answer these questions, we focus on individuals\u2019 skin tone and argue that one\u2019s skin tone shapes how they define people of color and draw the boundaries of who can be considered people of color. Specifically, we argue that individuals with darker skin tone will have a more restrictive definition of people of color because they are more likely to share the discriminatory experiences and systemic oppression that characterize the experiences of people of color than those with lighter skin tones, thereby showing more solidarity with darker-skinned individuals as people of color. Using a series of vignette survey experiments, we test how individuals define people of color and how their boundary-making processes impact group solidarity. This study will enhance our understanding of how people of color conceptualize group boundaries and develop intergroup solidarity. In addition, it will offer crucial insights for policymakers and community organizers on coalition building among underserved communities by demonstrating the mechanisms of how marginalized groups form solidarity.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Performing Democracy: Representation and Questioning in the Indian Parliament<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Komal Preet Kaur<\/strong><\/strong> – Princeton University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In patronage-based democracies like India, where executive dominance and limited legislative autonomy prevail, why do Members of Parliament (MPs) actively engage in parliamentary procedures that appear politically marginal? My book project explores this question by analyzing MPs engagement with the Question Time, a global parliamentary practice, as a performative tool of representation. MPs use questioning to the government to signal competence to party elites, highlight issues to the government, and demonstrate responsiveness to constituents. These performances are amplified through media and social platforms, extending their political reach beyond the parliamentary floor. Drawing on a dataset of over 300,000 parliamentary questions from 1999 to 2019 and interviews with MPs, aides, and watchdogs, this project reveals how visibility, not formal power, drives legislative participation. MPs facing electoral competition or lacking leadership roles are more likely to use questioning to build personal political brands than others. By examining who participates and what they ask, this book project offers a fresh lens on how representation and reputation are crafted in constrained institutional settings where the symbolic act of questioning becomes a vital mode of democratic expression.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Money Talks: Race and Gender in Public Opinion of Women’s Campaign Financing<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Samantha Koprowski<\/strong><\/strong> – Rutgers University-New Brunswick<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Women remain underrepresented in Congress, and one of the biggest hurdles they face is raising money early in their campaigns. While existing research often focuses on institutional barriers like party support or access to fundraising networks, this project examines how voter-held stereotypes also shape women\u2019s fundraising experiences. I explore whether voters evaluate candidates differently based on where their campaign money comes from and whether those evaluations depend on a candidate\u2019s race and gender. In particular, I test whether voters expect women candidates to reject money from corporate political action committees (PACs), and whether women of color face different expectations and consequences than white women and men and co-racial men. By exploring how voters connect candidate identity with campaign fundraising, this project reveals whether and how race-gendered stereotypes can create barriers for women seeking public office.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Socialist Aid: Soviet Party Building Assistance in the Global South<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Yulia Kuzmina<\/strong><\/strong> – Yale University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Under which circumstances is the external transformation of political institutions possible? This project will address this question by focusing on Soviet assistance in bolstering single-party regimes in the Global South during the Cold War. Using Soviet primary sources, I plan to examine the domestic and international factors that the Soviet Union considered when deciding whether to promote vanguard party building in a recipient state and provide resources to do so. This project will also examine the obstacles the donor faced in promoting political transformation and the strategies it used to address those. The Soviets had two main potential channels of influence: coercion and inducement. This project will examine the factors that determine the choice between the two. I will also address the possible alternative explanations of institutional isomorphism \u2013 mere learning and diffusion of institutional blueprints.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Power by Proxy: The Onset and Impact of International War-related Protests<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Chaelin Kwon<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Arizona<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

My dissertation project, Power by Proxy: The Onset and Impact of International War-related Protests, explores why people around the world mobilize in response to civil wars occurring elsewhere and how, if at all, such protests can change the course of conflict. Although civil wars are often treated as domestic affairs, they attract widespread attention and action from civilians abroad, including diaspora communities, refugees, and concerned foreign citizens, with notable variation across conflicts. Yet existing research rarely considers these diverse actors together or examines their collective influence on conflict dynamics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To fill this gap, I introduce the concept of transnational civilian agency and analyze international war-related protests as one key form of it. As part of this project, I am developing a novel dataset on international war-related protests in African countries (1997\u20132020), encompassing diaspora movements, resistance by refugees, and protests around conflicts beyond borders by foreign populations. This research is supported by the American Political Science Association\u2019s Centennial Center, which enables the collection of these original data.<\/p>\n

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Tracking the Evolution of U.S. State AI Policy<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Stefani Langehennig<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Denver<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

AI is becoming part of daily life, from the apps we use to the services that shape our communities. State governments are introducing legislation to guide the use of AI, but there is currently no clear or centralized way to track these efforts across the country. This project will change that by building a public, interactive dashboard that tracks AI-related legislation in all 50 states.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The dashboard will show what kinds of bills are being proposed, how they move through the lawmaking process, and how states compare to one another. Anyone – whether a policymaker, journalist, researcher, or curious citizen – will be able to explore the data and better understand how states are tackling the opportunities and risks of AI.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The project is housed at the University of Denver\u2019s Center for Analytics and Innovation in Data (CAID) and includes training for a graduate student who will help build and maintain the tool. The end result will be a continuously updated, easy-to-use resource that brings transparency to AI policymaking and helps the public stay informed about how state governments are shaping our AI-driven future.<\/p>\n

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The Climate Costs of Computing: Public Opinion and AI Governance<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Jaewook Lee<\/strong><\/strong> – Leiden University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

My project, The Climate Costs of Computing: Public Opinion and AI Governance, examines how people react to the environmental side effects of artificial intelligence. Behind every AI tool are data centers that consume vast amounts of electricity and water, producing significant carbon emissions. As these facilities expand, they increasingly strain local resources and challenge national climate goals. This project asks: when do citizens view these trade-offs as acceptable, and when do they demand stronger environmental regulation or limits on AI growth?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To answer this, I combine regional data from across Europe with new survey experiments. In one study with observational data, I treat data-center construction as a local \u201cshock\u201d to track how nearby communities shift their views on climate policy and support for Green parties. In another, I use survey vignettes that vary the costs and benefits of AI projects, such as higher electricity bills or local job creation, to see how people balance technological progress with environmental impact. By comparing results across regions and countries, the project reveals when greener designs or visible local benefits sustain public consent for AI\u2014and when environmental concerns instead drive demand for stricter technology governance.<\/p>\n

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Paths to Resilience: Racial Trauma, Political Participation, and Moderating Psychological Variables<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Alesha Lewis<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

African Americans report various experiences of racial discrimination. However, the long-term psychological effects of these experiences have been underexplored in political science. In some individuals, lifelong encounters with racism can elicit a trauma response, similar to those with posttraumatic stress disorder. This study investigates this phenomenon, known as racial trauma, and who is more likely to appraise racial experiences as traumatic versus who feels that such experiences are harmful, but not trauma-inducing. I identify psychological susceptibility factors that moderate the link between exposure to discrimination and racial trauma symptoms. Using a nationally representative sample of African Americans, I assess how the Big Five personality traits, childhood adversity, and cognitive vulnerabilities (i.e., maladaptive schemas, negative attributional style, and rumination) affect the likelihood of developing racial trauma. Results will contribute to existing work on the mental health effects of systemic racism and possible avenues for racial trauma prevention.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Gendered Signals: How Officials’ Gender Shapes Public Attitudes in Foreign Affairs<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Dongshu Liu<\/strong><\/strong> – City University of Hong Kong
Xiaoxia Huang<\/strong> – Syracuse University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Although women are increasingly present in politics, they remain underrepresented in male-dominated domains, particularly in the military and defense agencies. Rather than asking why women are underrepresented in these areas, this study examines how the public responds to the presence of female politicians in such domains. Specifically, we ask whether the public perceives messages about national security delivered by female politicians as less credible, and, if so, why. Focusing on China, one of the most influential actors in global security, this study investigates whether a security-related message conveyed by a female political leader from a foreign country is perceived by the Chinese public as less credible or less serious. We further explore how such perceptions vary across different types of messages and among demographic groups. This research contributes to the literature on gender and international politics as well as to signaling theory in foreign diplomacy. It also has practical implications for understanding whether it is rational to exclude women from leadership roles in traditionally masculine government agencies.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

The Centrality of Intersectionality in American Politics<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Raymundo Lopez<\/strong><\/strong> – Michigan State University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Members of Congress use floor speeches to communicate their priorities, represent their communities, and signal who they stand for. These speeches often include references to race, gender and class\u2014forms of social identities that help connect elected officials to their constituents. Yet we still know little about how these \u201cidentity-based\u201d messages differ across parties, or how intersectional appeals\u2014those that link multiple identities\u2014shape how people view politics and one another. My dissertation examines how congressional speech constructs and communicates social identities. First, I use data from C-SPAN and the Congressional Record (114th\u2013119th Congresses) to analyze floor speeches and identify when, how, and by whom identity is invoked. Using computational text analysis, I measure the language of inclusion, exclusion, and intersection. Second, I conduct a national survey experiment (N = 1,500) to test how voters respond to short video clips of these speeches. Participants are randomly assigned to see messages that vary by speaker identity and content, allowing me to assess how different forms of intersectional communication influence attitudes and coalition building among both minority and non-minority groups.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Building Capacity to Build Social Trust: How Trust-Building Civic Leaders Learn Their Craft<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Savanna Lyons<\/strong><\/strong> – Columbia University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Trust is viewed as a key factor in strong democracies and economies, but as political polarization rises, Americans have come to trust each other less and less. Theorists present voluntary civic engagement as a means of repairing social trust, but its measurable effects are uneven, and appear to depend on the quality and type of interactions experienced by participants. What can an adult learning perspective tell us about how trust is built within voluntary civic settings? What is the role of learning and leadership in building trust? This study explores how effective leaders of voluntary civic and political efforts learn to build trust with and among diverse participants. It explores trust-building practices, mindsets, and learning processes involved in successful collective action. Phase 1 draws on interviews with 18 experts on collective action to explore who they view as effective trust-builders and why. Phase 2 features interviews with 21 individuals nominated as strong trust builders explore their trust-building practices and how they learned to build trust. Phase 3, a multiple-case study of five successful trust builders, utilizes collaborator questionnaires, additional interviews, ethnographic observation, and document review to construct detailed profiles of how each leader\u2019s practices, mindsets, and learning processes help them build trust for collective action. The 96+ participants throughout the study come from two fields requiring voluntary collective action: policy advocacy and community development. Findings shed light on how, from a learning and leadership development standpoint, we can help civic leaders become stronger trust-builders.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Politics of Disability: The Emergence of Cambodia National Disability Law<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Saveun Nhim<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Hawaii
Katharina Heyer<\/strong> – University of Hawaii<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Cambodia\u2019s disability experience is deeply rooted in its post-conflict legacy, where civil war and the Khmer Rouge regime created lasting impacts through landmine injuries, trauma, and infrastructural challenges. Despite ratifying the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and implementing national disability legislation, people with disabilities continue facing significant barriers to education, employment, and social inclusion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This research examines Cambodia\u2019s disability law by documenting the political rationale behind its adoption and amendment, analyzing stakeholders roles in its developments, implementations, and assessing its impacts on people with disabilities. The study critically analyzes implementation outcomes, contributing to ongoing disability rights discussions and advocacy in Cambodia while situating the country\u2019s experience within broader disability rights and feminist disability scholarships. The analysis centers on Cambodia\u2019s 2006 UN CRPD implementation, drawing on interviews with people with disabilities, human rights groups, civil society groups, International NGOs, local DPOs, and Cambodian welfare offices to understand stakeholder perspectives on the law\u2019s strengths, weaknesses, and effectiveness in fulfilling its promises.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This research contributes to emerging global disability studies scholarship within a country-specific, post-conflict context, examining disability law and policies through disability rights and feminist disability lenses. By analyzing this legislation, this research fills significant gaps in existing scholarship, particularly regarding how developing nations construct legal frameworks for disability rights. Studying Cambodian disability law highlights how international human rights instruments, particularly the UNCRPD, shapes policy development and implementation.<\/p>\n

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For Them, Not Me: Does Empathy for Poor Friends and Family Affect Support for Redistribution?<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Bea-Sim Ooi<\/strong><\/strong> – University of California, Riverside<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The United States has seen nearly four decades of unprecedented income inequality growth. While the top 1% now possess roughly 30% of the nation\u2019s wealth, the majority of the population struggle to pay their ever-increasing rent, secure steady employment, or receive adequate healthcare. Although a large corpus of research has investigated the relationship between personal financial distress and support for liberal economic policies, less is known about the policy consequences of exposure to poverty in one\u2019s social networks. In particular, we lack knowledge about the scope of contact\u2019s influence (i.e., whether brief interactions with poor strangers are equally as impactful as close relationships with a financially struggling friend), whether the source of a friend or relative\u2019s financial strain shapes the types of policies one supports, and the factors driving the relationship between contact and support for redistribution. I investigate these questions in my dissertation. My third chapter, partially funded by APSA\u2019s Summer Centennial Center Research Grant, identifies empathy for poor friends and family members as a novel mechanism motivating support for redistribution. I propose an original perspective-taking survey experiment to test whether inducing feelings of empathy toward one\u2019s poor loved one engenders greater support for a host of general and specific redistributive policies and more favorable attitudes toward the poor at large. Elsewhere in my dissertation, I find evidence that contact with poor friends and family members bolsters support for redistribution and that the cause of a loved one\u2019s financial precarity affects the types of redistributive policies one supports.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Quality of Government Perceptions and Support for State-Sponsored Redistribution<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Bilyana Petrova<\/strong><\/strong> – Texas Tech University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This project examines the impact of perceptions about the quality of government on support for state-sponsored redistribution, or the extent to which the states reduces economic inequality through taxes and transfers. While existing scholarship has identified a number of factors that shape welfare state attitudes, individual evaluations of institutional quality have received relatively little attention. I seek to address this gap by studying the way in which exposure to information about government ineffectiveness affects views on the role of the state in addressing social deficits. To do this, I propose an original survey experiment in which I prime respondents to think about the quality of the state institutions in charge of delivering social policies in Italy. Concretely, I expose them to a positive treatment about successful poverty reduction or a negative treatment about significant fund misallocation. These informational treatments might meaningfully move participants\u2019 trust in state structures. I then ask them about their support for different social compensation, social investment, and inequality-alleviating policies. This approach allows me to explore whether perceptions about institutional quality influence policy preferences.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Gendered traits and immigration status on evaluation of Latina and Asian American Women Candidates<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Dan Qi<\/strong><\/strong> – Lamar University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This project examines the effects of policy preference and candidate cues in campaign strategies on voters\u2019 perceptions of Latina and Asian American women candidates. Earlier studies revealed that the intersectionality between gender and racial cues affects voters\u2019 political preferences (Smooth 2006, Brown and Lemi 2021). However, there is a lack of discussion of policy preferences (i.e., immigration policy) and immigrant background of the candidates. Latino immigrants account for one-third of the Latino population, while Asian American is the fastest growing immigrant group in the U.S. (Pew Research Center, 2023). Also, previous research show that Latina and Asian American women leaders are more like to emphasize their immigrant background in the campaign message (Qi, Kim and Bauer 2023). This project develops a framework to identify the effect of intersectionality on Latina and Asian American women on policy and candidate cue using experimental design on candidate evaluations. I contend that both policy and immigration cues affect voters\u2019 preferences, and there is a nuance between Latina and Asian American Women candidates on gendered traits evaluation. The project intends to provide a broader picture of women of color candidates, their political campaign strategy, and voters\u2019 preferences. It contributes to the understanding of diversity in democracy.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Promises and Perils: The Expansion of Women\u2019s Rights in Revolutionary Regimes<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Johanna Reyes Ortega<\/strong><\/strong> – University of California, Berkeley<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

My dissertation addresses a question that has been overlooked in both revolution and gender scholarship: why do revolutionary regimes diverge so sharply in their treatment of women\u2019s rights? While 20th-century social revolutions all claimed to remake the political and social order, some produced sweeping gender reforms while others retrenched or remained silent. Existing theories emphasize modernization, ideology, or women\u2019s presence in institutional junctures, but none explain this wide variation. My project offers a new answer: the distinctive role of anticolonial social revolutions and their capacity to integrate women\u2019s rights into broader state-building projects. Anticolonial social revolutions\u2014those that simultaneously dismantle colonial domination and entrenched class hierarchies\u2014are especially likely to produce durable gains for women. By reframing women\u2019s subordination as a product of colonial domination, the leaders of anticolonial social revolutions linked women\u2019s liberation to national sovereignty, mobilized broader support, fostered ideological commitments that disrupted colonial legacies, expanded claims to equality, and embedded gender reforms into state institutions in more durable ways. This framing created credible commitments that regimes institutionalized through single-party governance and mass organizations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Methodologically, this project combines large-N causal inference, comparative historical analysis, computational text analysis, and extensive archival and interview evidence. Cross-national statistical analysis demonstrates that anticolonial social revolutions produced the most significant and durable gains in women\u2019s political empowerment, compared to other revolutionary types, and were uniquely likely to maintain elite cohesion. To probe mechanisms, I compare Cuba (1959) and Bolivia (1952) with a shadow case of Mexico\u2019s failed socialist revolution (1917).<\/p>\n

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Another State of Nature: The Civilizational Narrative in Nineteenth-Century Latin American Political Thought<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Nayeli Riano<\/strong><\/strong> – Georgetown University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The concept of \u201ccivilization\u201d in the context of colonial and post-colonial societies is often framed as a European idea imposed from the outside as a handed-down model for progress. Yet the intellectual history of Latin America complicates this narrative. Rather than passively adopting foreign ideas, Latin American thinkers actively reshaped civilizational discourses from within, engaging with European models while reinterpreting them through local political and cultural lenses. This article examines the work of Argentine intellectual Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (1811\u20131888) and his contemporaries to explore how civilizational narratives were reimagined in nineteenth-century Latin America by drawing on debates about nature to construct a vision of progress and development that addressed specific challenges in the region, transforming civilizational narratives into instruments of political reflection and nation-building. I argue that such narratives provided a discursive foundation for expressing political concepts that shaped collective identities and envisioned societal transformation. By foregrounding the local reinvention of civilizational narratives, this article contributes to a broader understanding of how intellectual traditions emerge through dialogue rather than diffusion. It further contends that only by attending to the local reinvention of civilizational narratives can we critically examine their internal tensions, not because they are European in origin, but because their meaning and function shift across contexts. This approach reveals both the instability and the enduring appeal of civilizational frameworks as tools for political thought.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

John Mercer Langston: Black American Patriot<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Keidrick Roy<\/strong><\/strong> – Dartmouth College<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

What does it mean to be an American patriot? How should one’s love of country be balanced with critiques of its injustices? What does race have to do with it? My book project, John Mercer Langston: Black American Patriot (under contract with Yale University Press), explores one of the most overlooked figures in the history of American political thought. Indeed, Langston\u2019s views on the meaning of patriotism in a divided society remain vital to understanding our present moment of pessimism, polarization, and political apathy. With a life spanning most of the nineteenth century, Langston (1829-1897), born enslaved, developed a vision for patriotism that explicitly linked freedom, equality, self-reliance, civic courage, “manliness” (or humanness), and respect for the rule of law. He argued for black liberation during the antebellum era, black elevation throughout Reconstruction, and black political power during the nadir of race relations in the 1890s as Virginia’s first and only African American U.S. Representative for nearly a century. My biography will be the first book-length account of Langston’s life in four decades, and the only one that spans the entire scope of his lifetime as a prominent lawyer, professor, law school dean, college president, healthcare administrator, diplomat, and senior statesman. It will tell a balanced story of Langston’s myriad contributions to the history of American democratic thought and his lifelong commitment to effecting positive change through the power of his pen as he leveraged his positions within America’s existing political institutions to transform them.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Policing Public Relations: Lesson From Law Enforcement<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Suzanne Scoggins<\/strong><\/strong> – Clark University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

While democracies debate the harms of TikTok, China is quietly using social media propaganda to shore up political support at home. This project looks closely at one of China\u2019s most unpopular state entities, the police, to explore how security forces marshal new media to influence public perceptions. I argue that new media strategies can improve views of the central government but nevertheless fall short of shifting public opinion about local police on key issues. The result is a new and potent form of state messaging that shapes perceptions of the government in critical ways.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Understanding Democratic State Violence: Implications for Comparative and International Politics<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Nicholas Rush Smith<\/strong> – City University of New York
Kanisha Bond<\/strong> – Binghamton University (SUNY)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Our research is motivated by three major challenges in the study of state violence in and by democracies. First, the breadth and ubiquity of democratic state violence remains puzzling in light of the common political science assumption that democracies are uniquely and foundationally motivated by principles of upholding human rights, equality, and justice. Second, it is not uncommon for empirical analysis of the causes and effects of democratic state violence to be either extremely granular or exceedingly zoomed out in their scope. Third, and relatedly, scholars and human rights advocates alike rarely seem to connect regional, multilevel, and reflexive dialogues about state violence in democracies into one coherent conversation, presenting a perennial challenge to the possibility of learning across experiences of state violence in and by disparate democratic contexts. Responding to these challenges, our goal in this project is to reconceptualize the study of democratic state violence under a unified framework rooted in relationality, in order to transform the body of disjointed examinations of how state violence works in discrete settings into a truly transnational dialogue about how state violence is structured in and by democratic states across the globe. We aim to develop a valuable bridge of knowledge that attends to the importance of building strategies for addressing state violence that draw heavily on insights from community-centric solidarity building, a global exchange of knowledge and experiences, and people-first strategies for addressing democratic state violence across trans- and sub-national contexts.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Won\u2019t You Be My Neighbor? Local Community Engagement and Democratic Satisfaction<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Haley Stiles<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Virginia<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

How does community engagement impact democratic satisfaction? Democracy requires citizen connection, both to each other and to governing institutions, as people work together to bring issues to the citizen entry points of representative democracy. However, these connections are suffering: As partisan conflict increasingly brings conflict to social relationships, the social trust required to create rich citizen groups bringing together different types of communities never develops. Moreover, we have seen widespread decline in political participation, a core requirement of democracy, whose absence erodes the responsiveness of democratic institutions. While large-scale institutional change often feels far from our grasp, I ask how individual-level interventions might alter citizen perceptions of, and involvement in, collective governance. With support from the APSA Centennial Center Research Grant, I will conduct cross-country fieldwork, interviewing different communities to understand what types of associational life Americans are currently engaging in, how participation in civil society may foster participation in political society, and whether community engagement impacts satisfaction with the way democracy works.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

How Psychological Distance shapes Americans\u2019 Climate Change Preferences: a Conjoint Analysis<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Jing Ling Tan<\/strong><\/strong> – Harvard University
Wei Wang <\/strong>– Harvard University
Wei-Ting Tsai <\/strong>– Harvard University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This project explores how psychological distance \u2013 whether an event feels close or distant \u2013 influences Americans\u2019 climate change attitudes. We study this in the context of floods, given their growing impacts due to climate change and how frequently they are portrayed in the news. Using a two-part survey experiment, we expect that presenting floods as more severe and affecting one\u2019s social group increases pro-climate preferences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Psychological theory suggests people should care more about climate change when it feels close \u2013 i.e., it will happen nearby in space and soon in time, is highly likely, and will affect people who share their social identities. However, past research has produced mixed results. We argue that this is in part because psychological distance has different moving parts that previous research designs could not address. We thus design a conjoint experiment that allows us to test for each of these types of distance in an independent manner.<\/p>\n

In our first study, we asked 700 Republicans to react to different flood scenarios that varied in severity and the four psychological distance dimensions. We found that Republicans hold more pro-climate attitudes when floods are severe and affect people who share their partisanship, but other aspects of the flood do not matter. In our second study we will test if our findings <\/span>hold<\/span> nationwide and analyze why social distance is so powerful. By pinpointing which types of \u201cdistance\u201d matter the most, our work can help policymakers and communicators craft more effective messages to motivate collective climate action.<\/span><\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n

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The Emotional Battlefield: Mobilizing Support for Insurgencies<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Dilruba Tas<\/strong><\/strong> – University of Florida<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Why do some rebel groups attract international support by highlighting women\u2019s involvement in war, while others fail to do so? This project argues that emotions provide the missing link between women\u2019s visibility in conflict and international support. Rebel groups strategically portray women in three roles, moral agents of positive societal change, protectors of communities and their human rights, and fighters, to spark different emotional reactions such as sympathy, admiration, or awe. These emotions shape whether outside audiences see the group as legitimate and whether they are willing to offer symbolic or material support. Existing research suggests that showing women can boost a group\u2019s legitimacy, but it often treats legitimacy as a static label. This project instead conceptualizes legitimacy as something constructed and negotiated through gendered-emotional narratives. By centering emotions as the mechanism connecting gendered portrayals to international support, the study offers a new way to understand how armed groups build their reputations. To test this theory, a survey experiment will be conducted in the United States where participants are shown rebel narratives featuring women in different roles. This project measures emotional reactions, perceptions of legitimacy, and willingness to support rebel groups, revealing the strategic logic behind women\u2019s visibility in conflict and exposing the gendered foundations of international mobilization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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How Predicted Power Produces Profits: Firms’ Political Connections and Stock Performance in an Authoritarian Regime<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Duy Trinh<\/strong><\/strong> – Hong Kong University of Science and Technology<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Under which circumstances is the external transformation of political institutions possible? This project will address this question by focusing on Soviet assistance in bolstering single-party regimes in the Global South during the Cold War. Using Soviet primary sources, I plan to examine the domestic and international factors that the Soviet Union considered when deciding whether to promote vanguard party building in a recipient state and provide resources to do so. This project will also examine the obstacles the donor faced in promoting political transformation and the strategies it used to address those. The Soviets had two main potential channels of influence: coercion and inducement. This project will examine the factors that determine the choice between the two. I will also address the possible alternative explanations of institutional isomorphism \u2013 mere learning and diffusion of institutional blueprints.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Fair and Supported: Benefits with Background Checks for Immigrants<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Taylor Trummel<\/strong><\/strong> – UC Santa Barbara<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

What explains immigration attitudes? Robust immigration attitude research has been framed around cultural and economic threat debates. However, this focus has missed an important mechanism that guides our everyday judgments: fairness. Very limited work has engaged with fairness and little has done so in the context of immigration. Fairness can mean different things to different people. To address this, I construct a theoretically grounded method for measuring different dimensions of fairness. Using an original conjoint experiment, I test how varying state-level policy attributes such as eligibility requirements, intended beneficiaries, and assistance types influence perceptions of fairness. Agreement with different dimensions of fairness and policy support increase when policies include social services and exclusion criteria. I find very limited evidence for cultural and economic threat in motivating policy support. The results offer a re-evaluation of immigration attitude debates and demonstrate opportunities for broader use of a multi-dimensional measurement of fairness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding from the APSA Centennial Center Research Grant will support an additional experiment to assess if the support for social services holds when respondents are reminded of an associated economic cost, as well as further construct validity analysis.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

University Expansion and Political Support in Turkey: Higher Education\u2019s Role in Autocratic Consolidation<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Ozlem Tuncel <\/strong>– Georgia State University
Felix Wiebrecht<\/strong> – University of Liverpool<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This project explores how the rapid growth of universities in Turkey has helped strengthen the rule of President Erdo\u011fan and the governing AKP. Since 2006, Turkey has opened dozens of new universities, often in regions that previously had little access to higher education. On the surface, this expansion appears to promote opportunity and development. However, we argue that these new institutions also serve political purposes, helping the government build loyalty and consolidate power. To study this, we collect new data on where and when universities were opened, who were appointed as their leaders, and how local voting patterns changed over time. We aim to understand whether higher education expansion has contributed to growing political support for the ruling party. Our project contributes to a growing global interest in how education systems function in authoritarian settings. By examining Turkey\u2019s experience in depth, we aim to show how universities, often seen as neutral spaces for learning, can also become tools of political influence and regime survival.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Defending the Dream: Threats to Upward Mobility and Support for Restrictive Immigration Policies among Latino Americans<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Zoe Walker <\/strong>– University of Rochester
Jeremy Boo<\/strong> – University of Michigan<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

A growing number of Latino Americans support restrictive immigration policies. Explanations for this shift vary: some suggest Latinos increasingly identify as (white) Americans rather than their racial group, while others link these attitudes to concerns about crime or competition for jobs. This study clarifies how concerns about crime, identity, and economic stability jointly shape Latino immigration attitudes. We argue that Latinos who strongly believe in the American Dream are more likely to support punitive actions against co-ethnics perceived as undermining the group\u2019s image or violating meritocratic norms. To test this, we propose a conjoint survey experiment to isolate the effects of public attention, country of origin, and merit on support for the removal of an immigrant who has committed a minor crime. The findings contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the limits of racial and ethnic group cohesion and the role of national ideology in shaping immigration policy preferences.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

When Does Gang Violence Cause Emigration?<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Frank Wyer <\/strong>– Naval Postgraduate School<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In recent decades, countries like Mexico, El Salvador, and Ecuador have experienced public security crises involving intense episodes of gang violence. Ecuador for example, saw a five-fold increase in its homicide rate between 2020 and 2024, accompanied by prison massacres, political assassinations, and a nationwide state of emergency. In response, a large number of Ecuadorians have fled the country, while many who remain have supported harsh and punitive security measures at the ballot box. How do citizens of countries facing security crises decide whether to flee, stay, or vote for change? My preliminary research, which has involved, interviews, focus groups, and analysis of administrative data, suggests that citizens prefer to wait out violence if they believe it will be short-lived, but take more costly actions of they feel that violence is spiraling out of control. This observation points towards several key factors that influence individual responses to gang violence, including expectations about the trajectory of violence, exposure to violence, and perceptions of government\u2019s ability to restore order. With funding from the Centennial Center, I plan to run a survey experiment in Ecuador that will test these hypotheses by presenting participants with informational vignettes that vary in their emphasis and framing of the trajectory of violence and government competence or corruption, and measure outcomes such as emigration propensity and support for various security measures. This study will add new insight and evidence to growing bodies of research on the sources of public support for harsh security policies and the root causes of migration.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Transnational Intellectual Property Rights Litigation<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Jian Xu <\/strong>– National University of Singapore<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Who owns ideas\u2014like a new design, a brand name, or software code\u2014matters for innovation and investment. Many assume that in countries with weaker rule of law, especially authoritarian systems, foreign companies can\u2019t get a fair hearing when their ideas are copied. This project tests that belief with evidence, not anecdotes, by building the first lawsuit-level dataset of intellectual-property (IP) cases involving multinational firms in China\u2019s courts: about 830,000 cases from 2008\u20132020 covering patents, trademarks, and trade secrets. Early results are surprising: foreign firms do not consistently lose more often than local firms. One reason may be that governments seeking homegrown innovation and foreign investment have incentives to protect IP in court. Still, results vary. Three forces appear to shape outcomes: the relative economic clout and legal resources of the companies involved, how competitive the local IP market is, and whether the technology at stake is strategically important for industrial policy. Using big data techniques\u2014apples-to-apples comparisons, before-and-after tests, and targeted surveys\u2014we separate patterns from causes. The goal is a clear, comprehensive picture of when and why courts protect ideas in settings often assumed to be hostile to foreign IP, giving policymakers, investors, and firms better guidance on risk and strategy.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Gendered Foreign Policy: Female Leaders, Sanctions, and the Use of Force<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Nila Zarepour-Arizi <\/strong>– Texas Tech University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This project examines how gender bias shapes voters\u2019 views of foreign policies leaders adopt. Even as more women assume the role of national leaders (presidents and prime ministers), they still face gender stereotypes and sexism about their ability to manage security and foreign policy decisions as heads of state. My research asks how voters judge women leaders who must decide whether to use economic sanctions or military force in international crises. Using a national survey experiment in the United States, I present participants with hypothetical crises and vary whether the president and the foreign opponent are men or women. I then measure how much individuals approve or disapprove of the leader\u2019s response. The goal is to understand whether women leaders are judged more harshly for choosing diplomacy or showing military strength \u2013 and whether these reactions depend on the gender of the opposing leader. The findings will help explain how gender stereotypes influence foreign policy approval, public trust in leadership, and women\u2019s broader access to positions of power in politics and security.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

Trust Without Knowledge: Substitution Effects in Public Evaluations of Courts<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Matheus Felipe Moreira Zanetti <\/strong>– Florida State University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Why do people say they \u201ctrust\u201d the courts, even when they know little about how they work? This project explores how citizens form opinions about judicial institutions when they lack direct knowledge or experience. I argue that when people are unfamiliar with courts, they often substitute their feelings toward other political actors\u2014like presidents or legislatures\u2014when asked whether they trust the judiciary. Using large cross-national surveys and new survey experiments in the United States and Latin America, this study investigates how awareness, political sophistication, and even the order of survey questions shape reported levels of court trust. Preliminary findings from U.S. data show that people who have never heard of their state Supreme Court tend to align their opinions about courts with their views of the president, while those who are more informed express independent attitudes. By revealing when and why these \u201ctrust substitutions\u201d occur, the project helps scholars and policymakers interpret public opinion data more accurately and design better tools to measure institutional legitimacy around the world.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n

The Reincarnated Cultural Shock: Uncovering an Unexpected Authoritarian Cultural Origin in the United States<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/summary>\n

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Shuli Zhang <\/strong>– University of Pittsburgh
Xin Han <\/strong>– Montana State University<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This project explores how the rapid growth of universities in Turkey has helped strengthen the rule of President Erdo\u011fan and the governing AKP. Since 2006, Turkey has opened dozens of new universities, often in regions that previously had little access to higher education. On the surface, this expansion appears to promote opportunity and development. However, we argue that these new institutions also serve political purposes, helping the government build loyalty and consolidate power. To study this, we collect new data on where and when universities were opened, who were appointed as their leaders, and how local voting patterns changed over time. We aim to understand whether higher education expansion has contributed to growing political support for the ruling party. Our project contributes to a growing global interest in how education systems function in authoritarian settings. By examining Turkey\u2019s experience in depth, we aim to show how universities, often seen as neutral spaces for learning, can also become tools of political influence and regime survival.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

2025 Summer Centennial Center Research Grant Winners Each year, the Centennial Center offers over $100,000 in research grants to APSA members through its Spring and Summer application deadlines. Summer Centennial Center Research Grants remains the largest program for supporting research conducted by APSA members. Grants are supported by a set of endowed funds, some of which target […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":25307,"featured_media":0,"parent":4360,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"zakra_sidebar_layout":"customizer","zakra_remove_content_margin":false,"zakra_sidebar":"customizer","zakra_transparent_header":"customizer","zakra_logo":0,"zakra_main_header_style":"default","zakra_menu_item_color":"","zakra_menu_item_hover_color":"","zakra_menu_item_active_color":"","zakra_menu_active_style":"","zakra_page_header":true,"_bbp_topic_count":0,"_bbp_reply_count":0,"_bbp_total_topic_count":0,"_bbp_total_reply_count":0,"_bbp_voice_count":0,"_bbp_anonymous_reply_count":0,"_bbp_topic_count_hidden":0,"_bbp_reply_count_hidden":0,"_bbp_forum_subforum_count":0,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-4363","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/centennialcenter\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/4363","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/centennialcenter\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/centennialcenter\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/centennialcenter\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/25307"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/centennialcenter\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4363"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/centennialcenter\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/4363\/revisions"}],"up":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/centennialcenter\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/4360"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/centennialcenter\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4363"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}