{"id":1185,"date":"2020-01-30T12:00:05","date_gmt":"2020-01-30T17:00:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/raisethevote\/?p=1185"},"modified":"2020-02-04T15:54:40","modified_gmt":"2020-02-04T20:54:40","slug":"the-spectacle-of-presidential-primaries-in-puerto-rico","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/raisethevote\/2020\/01\/30\/the-spectacle-of-presidential-primaries-in-puerto-rico\/","title":{"rendered":"The Spectacle of Presidential Primaries in Puerto Rico"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"Read this post in Spanish<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

If it seems peculiar to you that the Republican and Democratic parties host presidential primaries in Puerto Rico, a non-incorporated territory of the US whose residents cannot vote in the general election, you are not alone. Only 4% of eligible voters residing in Puerto Rico cast a vote during the 2016 primaries. Why?<\/p>\n

Presidential primaries hold little meaning for many residing in Puerto Rico and candidates have done little to change that perception.<\/p>\n

The only Democratic presidential candidate to mention Puerto Rico during a debate, Juli\u00e1n Castro, did so in passing and is no longer in the race. Further, most candidates have ignored requests<\/a> from Puerto Rican advocacy groups asking them to release their platform on Puerto Rico.<\/p>\n

Presidential campaigns have largely failed to employ staff who can provide accurate translation<\/a> of their materials into Spanish. As we approach the primary date, primary campaigns become increasingly aware of the complexities of taking a stance on whether Puerto Rico should be an independent nation, a US state, or something else. Eliding the question of Puerto Rico\u2019s status or only making vague references to it does little to prompt people to vote.<\/p>\n

The remarkably low presidential primary voter turnout (4%) stands in contrast to a long history of relatively high electoral turnout during general elections. Yet, even electoral turnout in Puerto Rican general elections dropped dramatically from 82% in 2000 to 55% in 2016. Why did Puerto Ricans historically turn out to vote in such high rates, and why did they stop doing so?<\/p>\n

Over time, voter mobilization efforts dwindled, parties lost their capacity to organize, voters became distracted by other spectacles and questioned the efficacy of their vote.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Some answers to these questions can be found in Luis Ra\u00fal C\u00e1mara Fuertes\u2019 2004 study The Phenomenon of Puerto Rican Voting<\/em><\/a>. C\u00e1mara Fuertes (2004) describes the vibrant voter mobilization practices as a spectacle that prompted Puerto Ricans to turn out in high rates despite institutional barriers for doing so (e.g., early voter registration deadlines). This spectacle consisted in massive grassroots voter registration and mobilization drives, caravans, marches, music, bullhorns, parties, dances, meetings, and a visible party presence at the local level.<\/p>\n

C\u00e1mara Fuertes raised caution in his 2004 study as he observed the early stages of this dramatic drop in electoral turnout. Over time, voter mobilization efforts dwindled, parties lost their capacity to organize, voters became distracted by other spectacles and questioned the efficacy of their vote.<\/p>\n

Political scientist Edgardo Mel\u00e9ndez argued that, under US colonial rule, Puerto Rican elected officials did not have the power to deliver what they promised on the campaign trail. Neither the Republican nor the Democratic party leadership signaled an urgency to address the unresolved issue of Puerto Rico\u2019s status, which Jos\u00e9 Javier Col\u00f3n refers to as a downgraded democracy<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Political scientist Edgardo Mel\u00e9ndez argued that, under US colonial rule, Puerto Rican elected officials did not have the power to deliver what they promised on the campaign trail.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Further, Puerto Rico\u2019s financial crisis set off a massive wave of migration<\/a> mostly made up of voting age Puerto Ricans. This was the largest population loss in Puerto Rican history under US rule<\/a>. The conditions of precarity were worsened by two major natural disasters, only two years apart from each other\u2014hurricane Mar\u00eda in 2017 and an ongoing earthquake sequence that began in December of 2019.<\/p>\n

This is the context in which various campaigns are seeking to compel people to elect a presidential candidate that they will not be able to vote for during the US general election. Reeling from a crisis with multiple dimensions and in the midst of debates about the importance of this exercise, many Puerto Ricans will likely choose to abstain from voting in the primary.<\/p>\n

Many vilify voting abstention as lazy and irresponsible. Abstention is frequently seen as responsible for the United States\u2019 descent into autocracy. Yet, few venture to explore the nuances of the perspectives of those who advocate for boycotting elections or choose to abstain. Further, critics of abstention often fail to specify the benefits of shaming people for not voting. On the other hand, proponents of boycotting elections have often been asked by members of their own organizations to provide further analysis on the ways in which abstention will advance their causes.<\/p>\n

The debate on whether to vote in a US presidential primary in Puerto Rico is longstanding. Three main perspectives dominate the discussion. One argument is that this is a futile exercise that further legitimizes colonial rule<\/a>. Others hold the view that the presidential primary in Puerto Rico is an important mechanism for exerting political influence. A third perspective sees both the limits and the benefits of engaging, and in light of this analysis, calls for tactical diversity that includes but is not limited to electoral politics.<\/p>\n

Perhaps most importantly, reigniting electoral participation will entail giving people reasons to believe in the efficacy of their vote.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Interest in the primaries within the ruling pro-statehood Partido Nuevo Progresista was such that the majority approved legislation to move the date of the primary earlier to March. The expectation is that hosting the primary in March, before the eventual candidate had enough delegates to win the nomination, would enhance the influence that they could exert.<\/p>\n

Many ask why they should engage in a presidential primary to support a candidate that they do not have the right to elect. This abstention does not signal that Puerto Ricans have a contempt for democracy. Puerto Ricans recently demonstrated their voracious appetite for democracy, marching through the streets<\/a> of Puerto Rico and calling for a change in leadership through non-electoral means.<\/p>\n

Attempts to reignite electoral participation in Puerto Rico may find promising pathways in reenacting aspects of the political cultures that moved people to action. These efforts must exercise caution, as some aspects of this culture perpetuated gendered and racialized violence against women and Black candidates. Perhaps most importantly, reigniting electoral participation will entail giving people reasons to believe in the efficacy of their vote.<\/p>\n

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Fernando Tormos-Aponte is a guest contributor for the RAISE the Vote Campaign<\/a>. The views expressed in the posts and articles featured in the RAISE the Vote campaign are those of the authors and contributors alone and do not represent the views of APSA.<\/em><\/p>\n

Fernando Tormos-Aponte<\/em><\/a> (@fernandotormos) is a postdoctoral research associate at the University of Maryland Baltimore County, a Visiting Scholar at Johns Hopkins University, and a Kendall Fellow at the\u00a0Union of Concerned Scientist\u2019s Center for Science and Democracy. He earned his MA and PhD in political science from Purdue University, and a BA from the University of Puerto Rico\u2014R\u00edo\u00a0Piedras. Dr. Tormos-Aponte specializes in social movements, identity politics, social policy, and transnational politics. His research focuses on how social movements cope with internal\u00a0divisions and gain political influence. Tormos-Aponte\u2019s work has appeared in the\u00a0Public Administration Review, Politics, Groups, and Identities,\u00a0Environmental Policy and Governance,\u00a0Alternautas,\u00a0PS: Political Science and Politics\u00a0and in the edited volume\u00a0The Legacy of Second-Wave Feminism in American Politics. He is currently working on studies on social movements in\u00a0Puerto Rico, transnational social movements, and the Movement for Black Lives. Tormos-Aponte has also written for\u00a0The New York Times,\u00a0Washington Post,\u00a0In These Times, Nueva Sociedad,\u00a0Jacobin,\u00a0St. Louis American, and the\u00a0Entitle Blog.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

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This post has been translated into Spanish below.<\/em><\/p>\n

El Espect\u00e1culo de las Primarias Presidenciales en Puerto Rico<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

Si te parece raro que el partido Republicano y el partido Dem\u00f3crata celebren primarias presidenciales en Puerto Rico, un territorio no incorporado de los EE. UU. cuyos residentes no pueden votar en las elecciones generales, no eres el \u00fanico. Solo el 4% de los votantes que residen en Puerto Rico participaron en las primarias de 2016. \u00bfPor qu\u00e9?<\/p>\n

Para la mayor\u00eda de los residentes de Puerto Rico las primarias presidenciales tienen poco significado y los candidatos no se han inmutado a cambiar esa percepci\u00f3n.<\/p>\n

El \u00fanico candidato presidencial Dem\u00f3crata que mencion\u00f3 a Puerto Rico durante un debate, Juli\u00e1n Castro, lo hizo de pasada y ya no est\u00e1 en la contienda. Adem\u00e1s, la mayor\u00eda de los candidatos han ignorado las solicitudes<\/a> de parte grupos de la sociedad civil puertorrique\u00f1a para que publiquen su plataforma sobre Puerto Rico.<\/p>\n

Las campa\u00f1as presidenciales no han contratado personal que pueda proporcionar una traducci\u00f3n certera<\/a> de sus materiales al Espa\u00f1ol. A medida que nos vamos acercando a la fecha de la primaria, las campa\u00f1as presidenciales se vuelven cada vez m\u00e1s conscientes de las complejidades de adoptar una postura sobre si Puerto Rico debe ser una naci\u00f3n independiente, un estado de EE. UU., u otra cosa. Evitar la cuesti\u00f3n del estatus de Puerto Rico o limitarse a hacer referencias ambiguas al mismo no inmuta a mucha gente a votar.<\/p>\n

La baja participaci\u00f3n electoral presidencial primaria (4%) contrasta con una larga historia de participaci\u00f3n electoral relativamente alta durante las elecciones generales. Sin embargo, incluso la participaci\u00f3n electoral en las elecciones generales puertorrique\u00f1as se redujo dr\u00e1sticamente del 82% en 2000 al 55% en 2016. \u00bfPor qu\u00e9 los puertorrique\u00f1os hist\u00f3ricamente votaron con tasas tan altas y por qu\u00e9 dejaron de hacerlo?<\/p>\n

Con el tiempo, los esfuerzos de movilizaci\u00f3n electoral disminuyeron, los partidos perdieron su capacidad organizativa, los votantes se distrajeron con otros espect\u00e1culos, y cuestionaron la eficacia de su voto.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Algunas respuestas a estas preguntas se pueden encontrar en el estudio de 2004 de Luis Ra\u00fal C\u00e1mara Fuertes, El Fen\u00f3meno del Voto Puertorrique\u00f1o<\/em><\/a>. C\u00e1mara Fuertes (2004) describe los esfuerzos de movilizaci\u00f3n electoral como un espect\u00e1culo que condujo a altas tasas de participaci\u00f3n electoral a pesar de las barreras institucionales para votar (por ejemplo, los plazos de inscripci\u00f3n temprana de votantes). Este espect\u00e1culo consist\u00eda en campa\u00f1as masivas de inscripci\u00f3n y movilizaci\u00f3n de votantes, caravanas, marchas, m\u00fasica, altoparlantes, fiestas, bailes, reuniones, y una presencia visible de los partidos a nivel local.<\/p>\n

Ya para aquel entonces, C\u00e1mara Fuertes observ\u00f3 las primeras se\u00f1ales de esta dram\u00e1tica ca\u00edda en la participaci\u00f3n electoral. Con el tiempo, los esfuerzos de movilizaci\u00f3n electoral disminuyeron, los partidos perdieron su capacidad organizativa, los votantes se distrajeron con otros espect\u00e1culos, y cuestionaron la eficacia de su voto.<\/p>\n

El polit\u00f3logo Edgardo Mel\u00e9ndez argumenta que, bajo el dominio colonial de Estados Unidos, los funcionarios electos puertorrique\u00f1os no tienen el poder de cumplir mucho de lo que prometen en sus plataformas. Ni el liderazgo del partido Republicano ni el Dem\u00f3crata han mostrado una urgencia de abordar el problema del estatus de Puerto Rico, al que Jos\u00e9 Javier Col\u00f3n se refiere como una democracia degradada<\/a>.<\/p>\n

El polit\u00f3logo Edgardo Mel\u00e9ndez argumenta que, bajo el dominio colonial de Estados Unidos, los funcionarios electos puertorrique\u00f1os no tienen el poder de cumplir mucho de lo que prometen en sus plataformas.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Adem\u00e1s, la crisis financiera de Puerto Rico desencaden\u00f3 una ola masiva migratoria<\/a> compuesta principalmente por residentes de Puerto Rico con edad de votar. Esta fue la mayor p\u00e9rdida poblacional en la historia de Puerto Rico<\/a> bajo el dominio de los Estados Unidos. Las condiciones de precariedad se vieron agravadas por dos grandes desastres naturales, a solo dos a\u00f1os de diferencia: el hurac\u00e1n Mar\u00eda en 2017 y una secuencia de terremotos que comenz\u00f3 en diciembre de 2019.<\/p>\n

Este es el contexto en el que varias campa\u00f1as buscan inspirar a las personas a elegir un candidato presidencial en las primarias por el que no podr\u00e1n votar durante las elecciones generales de Estados Unidos. Enfrentados a una crisis de m\u00faltiples dimensiones y en medio de debates sobre el significado de las primarias, muchos puertorrique\u00f1os probablemente optar\u00e1n por abstenerse.<\/p>\n

Muchos vilipendian la abstenci\u00f3n electoral. Describen a quienes se abstienen como vagos e irresponsables. La abstenci\u00f3n se asocia con el descenso de los Estados Unidos al autoritarismo. Sin embargo, pocos se dan a la tarea de explorar los matices de las perspectivas de quienes abogan por boicotear las elecciones y abstenerse. Adem\u00e1s, los cr\u00edticos de la abstenci\u00f3n a menudo no especifican los beneficios de avergonzar a las personas por no votar. Por otro lado, los defensores del boicot electoral han sido cuestionados dentro de sus propias organizaciones e interpelados a ofrecer un an\u00e1lisis m\u00e1s profundo sobre las formas en que la abstenci\u00f3n promover\u00e1 sus causas.<\/p>\n

El debate en torno a votar en una primaria presidencial de los Estados Unidos en Puerto Rico cuenta con tres perspectivas principales. Un argumento es que este es un ejercicio in\u00fatil que legitima a\u00fan m\u00e1s el dominio colonial<\/a>. Otros sostienen que la primaria presidencial en Puerto Rico es un mecanismo importante para ejercer influencia pol\u00edtica. Una tercera perspectiva ve los l\u00edmites y los beneficios de participar y, a la luz de este an\u00e1lisis, exige una diversidad t\u00e1ctica que incluya pero no se limite a la pol\u00edtica electoral.<\/p>\n

Para revivir la participaci\u00f3n electoral la gente debe de tener razones para creer en la eficacia de su voto.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

El inter\u00e9s en las primarias dentro del gobernante Partido Nuevo Progresista a favor del Estado es tal que la mayor\u00eda legislativa aprob\u00f3 adelantar la fecha de las primarias antes de marzo. La expectativa es que organizar las primarias en marzo, antes de que el candidato final tenga suficientes delegados para ganar la nominaci\u00f3n, aumentar\u00eda la influencia que podr\u00edan ejercer.<\/p>\n

Muchos preguntan por qu\u00e9 deber\u00edan participar en una primaria presidencial para apoyar a un candidato que no tienen derecho a elegir. Esta abstenci\u00f3n no indica que los puertorrique\u00f1os desprecian la democracia. Los puertorrique\u00f1os demostraron recientemente su apetito voraz por la democracia, marchando en las calles<\/a> de Puerto Rico, y pidiendo un cambio de liderazgo a trav\u00e9s de mecanismos no electorales.<\/p>\n

Los intentos de reavivar la participaci\u00f3n electoral en Puerto Rico pueden beneficiarse de esfuerzos por recrear aspectos de las culturas pol\u00edticas que movilizaban una alta tasa de electores. No obstante, estos esfuerzos deben proceder con cautela ya que algunos aspectos de esta cultura perpet\u00faan la violencia de g\u00e9nero y racializada contra mujeres y candidatos negros. Revivir la participaci\u00f3n electoral no debe de ser un fin en si mismo, particularmente si el voto no resulta en pol\u00edticas p\u00fablicas que beneficien a los electores. Para revivir la participaci\u00f3n electoral la gente debe de tener razones para creer en la eficacia de su voto.<\/p>\n

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Fernando Tormos-Aponte<\/em><\/a> (@fernandotormos) es investigador asociado postdoctoral en University of Maryland Baltimore County, investigador visitante en Johns Hopkins University, y becario del Center for Science and Democracy del Union of Concerned Scientists. Obtuvo su maestr\u00eda y doctorado en ciencia pol\u00edtica Purdue University y bachillerato en la Universidad de Puerto Rico, Recinto de R\u00edo Piedras. El Dr. Tormos-Aponte se especializa en movimientos sociales, pol\u00edtica de identidad, pol\u00edtica social, y pol\u00edtica transnacional. Su trabajo se enfoca en c\u00f3mo los movimientos sociales trabajan sus divisiones internas y obtienen influencia pol\u00edtica. El trabajo de Tormos-Aponte ha sido publicado en el <\/em>Public Administration Review, Politics, Groups, and Identities,\u00a0Environmental Policy and Governance,\u00a0Alternautas,\u00a0PS: Political Science and Politics<\/em>\u00a0y en los libros <\/em>Gendered Mobilizations <\/em>y\u00a0<\/em>The Legacy of Second-Wave Feminism in American Politics<\/em>. Actualmente est\u00e1 trabajando en estudios sobre movimientos sociales en Puerto Rico, movimientos sociales transnacionales, y el movimiento Black Lives Matter. Tormos-Aponte tambi\u00e9n ha escrito para <\/em>The New York Times<\/em>, <\/em>Washington Post<\/em>, <\/em>In These Times<\/em>, <\/em>Nueva Sociedad<\/em>, <\/em>Jacobin<\/em>, S<\/em>t. Louis American<\/em> y el blog <\/em>Entitle<\/em>.<\/em><\/p>\n

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