{"id":1692,"date":"2020-05-19T12:00:59","date_gmt":"2020-05-19T16:00:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/raisethevote\/?p=1692"},"modified":"2020-05-18T13:29:42","modified_gmt":"2020-05-18T17:29:42","slug":"using-covid-19-and-connecticuts-primary-elections-to-teach-political-science-concepts","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/connect.apsanet.org\/raisethevote\/2020\/05\/19\/using-covid-19-and-connecticuts-primary-elections-to-teach-political-science-concepts\/","title":{"rendered":"Using COVID-19 and Connecticut\u2019s Primary Elections to Teach Political Science Concepts"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"Connecticut\u2019s<\/span>\u00a02020 primary election\u00a0<\/span>is a great example\u00a0<\/span>of electoral politics\u00a0<\/span>to include in a variety of classroom lessons. For public policy courses, it\u00a0<\/span>showcases<\/span>\u00a0how\u00a0<\/span>focusing events<\/span>, defined as<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>\u201c<\/span>an event that is sudden; relatively uncommon; can be reasonably defined as harmful or\u2026potentially harmful\u2026and that is known to policy makers and the public simultaneously<\/span><\/a>,\u201d\u00a0<\/span>influence policy.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>T<\/span>he primary is set for August<\/span>.\u00a0<\/span>Connecticut could cancel their primary like\u00a0<\/span>New York<\/span><\/a>\u00a0since Biden is the presumptive nominee, but this option could potentially damage the integrity of the electoral system<\/span>.\u00a0<\/span>The pandemic\u00a0<\/span>has \u2018focused\u2019 Connecticut\u2019s primary election\u00a0<\/span>conversations<\/span><\/a>\u00a0on the need for election reform. Both t<\/span>he\u00a0<\/span>Secretary of the State<\/span><\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0<\/span>governor<\/span><\/a>\u00a0are<\/span>\u00a0pushing election reform measure<\/span>s<\/span>\u00a0onto the agenda.\u00a0<\/span>There are talks of\u00a0<\/span>mo<\/span>ving to a pseudo all<\/span>–<\/span>mail election<\/span>; all eligible\u00a0<\/span>Connectic<\/span>uters<\/span>\u00a0would receive an absentee ballot application, and absentee ballot, with postage paid for by the government. Other ideas include\u00a0<\/span>an\u00a0<\/span>online absentee ballot application, new<\/span>\u00a0election technologies<\/span>, early voting, and no-excuse absentee balloting.\u00a0<\/span>This unprecedented election cycle\u00a0<\/span>is\u00a0<\/span>an<\/span>\u00a0excellent\u00a0<\/span>classroom example\u00a0<\/span>to illustrate<\/span>\u00a0the complicated\u00a0<\/span>machinations<\/span>\u00a0of electoral politics in Connecticut.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

For election administration\u00a0<\/span>courses<\/span>, Connecticut<\/span>\u00a0is a great example of the<\/span>\u00a0complex<\/span>ities that surround state<\/span>\u00a0election laws.\u00a0<\/span><\/h3>\n

Connecticut has fairly\u00a0<\/span>antiquated election laws.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>I<\/span>t<\/span>\u00a0is one of nine states th<\/span>at has not adopted early voting<\/span>\u00a0and\u00a0<\/span>still requires a justified excuse to vote absentee.\u00a0<\/span>Nutmeggers<\/span>\u00a0must meet one of six<\/span>\u00a0excuse<\/span>s<\/span>\u00a0to vote absentee.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>The\u00a0<\/span>statute<\/span><\/a>\u00a0that governs absentee ballot applications says \u201chis or her illness<\/span>.<\/span>\u201d While seemingly mundane, it implies that if a voter is not actually sick, they do not qualify for an absentee ballot. Therefore,\u00a0<\/span>fear of contracting the virus<\/span><\/a>\u00a0<\/span>that comes with<\/span>\u00a0in-person Election Day voting does not qualify.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>If\u00a0<\/span>a voter\u00a0<\/span>still opt<\/span>s<\/span>\u00a0to vote absentee, they could be subject to civil and criminal penalties.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

However, t<\/span>he Secretary of the State has the\u00a0<\/span>authority<\/span><\/a>\u00a0to interpret the statute,\u00a0<\/span>and\u00a0<\/span>she has asked the legislature and<\/span>\u00a0governor to fix the statute or,\u00a0<\/span>at the very least, offer guidance on\u00a0<\/span>its\u00a0<\/span>interpretation.\u00a0<\/span>The<\/span>\u00a0state legislature could amend current language in the state statute.<\/span>\u00a0The public health emergency declared by the governor grants him permission to modify any state statute during said crisis. But, there could be hesitation to issuing an executive order to amend election laws because it leaves out the state legislature, and any long lasting election reform would need to be done by the legislature.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

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Fairfield University professors and students at Hartford State Capitol<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

This example ties into courses<\/span>\u00a0like<\/span>\u00a0public administration<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>that examine the politics surrounding\u00a0<\/span>policy making<\/span>.\u00a0<\/span>If the state fails\u00a0<\/span>to\u00a0<\/span>adopt any election reform measures, elected officials could receive\u00a0<\/span>backlash<\/span><\/a>\u00a0similar to\u00a0<\/span>that faced by\u00a0<\/span>Wisconsin\u2019s elected officials for holding an in-person primary. Moreover, Wisconsin saw COVID-19 cases\u00a0<\/span>linked<\/span><\/a>\u00a0to\u00a0<\/span>voters who voted<\/span>\u00a0in their primary. It is fair to say that no elected official wants to be in a similar position<\/span>. Before the pandemic,<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>Connecticut legislators<\/span>\u00a0could, and did, vote against various election reform measures.<\/span>\u00a0The pandemic puts state legislators in a Catch-22.\u00a0<\/span>In early May, Connecticut\u2019s Secretary of the State\u00a0<\/span>decided<\/span><\/a>\u00a0to mail every voter an absentee ballot application for the primary election,\u00a0<\/span>noting<\/span>\u00a0the complications that surround\u00a0<\/span>the language of\u00a0<\/span>\u201chis or her illness.\u201d\u00a0<\/span>Since\u00a0<\/span>the\u00a0<\/span>Secretary of the State does have the authority to interpret the statute\u2019s language,\u00a0<\/span>she\u00a0<\/span>could accept absentee ballots from voters who preferred to vote absentee out of fear of getting sick. But, she is asking for the legislature to act to adopt\u00a0<\/span>longer term<\/span>\u00a0solutions.<\/span> Couple the power struggle over this issue with polls that show<\/span>\u00a0overwhelming<\/span>\u00a0support<\/span><\/a>\u00a0<\/span>for\u00a0<\/span>election reform ideas like what Connecticut is considering, it\u00a0<\/span>creates\u00a0<\/span>the \u2018perfect storm\u2019 for discussions on the role of politics in policy making.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Shifting the voting costs from Connecticut voters to the government, which will likely happen for the 2020 primary election, means voter turnout will likely rise. It is much easier to cast a ballot from one\u2019s home than a polling place.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Those teaching voting, campaigns,<\/span>\u00a0and election courses can use Connecticut\u2019s 2020 primary election<\/span>\u00a0to discuss<\/span>\u00a0the calculus of voting theory, which states tha<\/span>t\u00a0<\/span>reducing the voting costs leads to higher\u00a0<\/span>participation<\/span><\/a>.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>Traditional Election Day voting places voting costs on the voter, which could then lead to low turnout. For example, Connecticut<\/span>\u00a0conducts primary elections<\/span>\u00a0in-person on Election Day. T<\/span>he last presidential primary election (2016),\u00a0<\/span>turnout in Connecticut<\/span><\/a>\u00a0was 21%. In the same primary election, Oregon, which conducts all<\/span>–<\/span>mail elections, had\u00a0<\/span>36% turnout<\/span><\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>This is not surprising since the government, not the voter, incurs the majority of voting costs.\u00a0<\/span>Shifting the voting costs<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>from Connecticut voters<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>to the government, which will<\/span>\u00a0likely happen for the 2020 primary election, means voter turnout will likely rise. It is much easier to cast<\/span>\u00a0a ballot from one\u2019s home than<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>a\u00a0<\/span>polling place.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

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Fairfield University students at the election night results show.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

A lesson learned from Wisconsin\u2019s 2020 primary is that voters will go to the polls;\u00a0<\/span>34%<\/span><\/a>\u00a0<\/span>of\u00a0<\/span>Wisconsinites voted<\/span>. An\u00a0<\/span>analysis<\/span><\/a>\u00a0conducted by Hides and Stewart shows that if there was no pandemic, Wisconsin\u2019s primary turnout would have been roughly 26%.<\/span>\u00a0If Election Day was a holiday, thus keeping more voters out of the office and moving them to the polling station much like the pandemic does, would turnout increase in other elections, such as local elections or the general election? Using the\u00a0<\/span>calculus of voting theory<\/span><\/a>, the answer is yes. This is a great question not only for students of political behavior courses, but also research methods and statistics. The modeling aspect of such a question would be timely and likely interesting to students.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

How does Connecticut conduct a primary election during a pandemic? T<\/span>hat story is yet to be written.\u00a0<\/span>The hard truth is\u00a0<\/span>almost\u00a0<\/span>three in four<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>American\u00a0<\/span>voters<\/span><\/a>\u00a0do not want to\u00a0<\/span>risk their health to vote<\/span>\u00a0in-person. Well\u00a0<\/span>over half of\u00a0<\/span>American\u00a0<\/span>voters<\/span><\/a>\u00a0are open to other ways to vote, such as all mail elections. I<\/span>n order to hold the Connecticut primary election, state officials are likely going to adopt, even temporarily, some type of election reforms.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>At minimum,\u00a0<\/span>Connecticuters<\/span>\u00a0will\u00a0<\/span>hopefully\u00a0<\/span>see the legislature, governor, and Secretary of the State work together provide much needed clarity on the term \u2018his or her illness.\u2019 Should the Nutmeg State adopt any election reform measures\u00a0<\/span>on the table\u00a0<\/span>right now due to the pandemic, it could be the catalyst for election reform and change the way\u00a0<\/span>they\u00a0<\/span>vote in future elections.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

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Gayle Alberda is a guest contributor for the\u00a0<\/span>RAISE the Vote Campaign<\/a>. The views expressed in the posts and articles featured in the RAISE the Vote campaign are those of the authors and contributors alone and do not represent the views of APSA.\u00a0<\/span><\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Gayle Alberda,<\/strong> PhD<\/strong> is as an Assistant Professor of Politics and Public Administration at Fairfield University. Her research focuses on election administration, participation, and civic engagement. Currently, she is working on her forthcoming book, Early Voting\u2019s Impact on U.S. Local Elections. Before her career in academia, Alberda worked the political arena. Her work experience in the political field includes lobbying, party, and campaign experience. She lobbied in Washington D.C. as well as the state and local levels. She also held various statewide and regional positions and worked on numerous campaigns including state house, city council, governor, president, and U.S. Senate, in multiple states. Alberda often serves as a political analyst for the media. She comments on local, state, and national politics and elections for local, regional, national, and international print and broadcast media. She has appeared in the Washington Post, NY Times, Good Morning America, Al Jazeera America, Hartford Courant, CT Post, WNPR, WICC, Associated Press Radio, NBC CT\u2019s Face the Facts, WTHN\u2019s Capitol Report, Channel 12\u2019s Power and Politics, and many others.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

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